네타냐후 총리의 정치적 취약점과 서안지구에서의 다음 전선 가능성
When the Iran war is over: Why the West Bank may be Netanyahu’s next front - People's World
지역 갈등이 지속되지만, 단기적으로 시장 변동성을 유발할 만한 구체적인 요인이 없어 중립적인 입장을 유지합니다.
핵심 요약
네타냐후 총리는 레바논, 이란, 하마스에 대한 전략적 승리를 거두지 못하며 비판을 받고 있으며, 연정 파트너들은 2022년 12월 29일 이후 그의 약점을 이용해 영향력을 확대하고 있습니다.
핵심요약
- 2023년 10월 7일 이후 네타냐후 총리의 정치적 취약점이 노출되며 연정 파트너들의 영향력 확대
- 전 법무부 장관 하임 라몬, 전 군 참모총장 가디 아이젠코트 등 주요 인사들이 네타냐후의 전략적 실패를 비판
- 연정 내 극우 인사들이 네타냐후의 약점을 이용해 정착지 확장을 추진
- 2022년 12월 29일 현재 연정은 이스라엘 역사상 가장 극우적인 정부로 평가받음
도입
이스라엘의 정치적 불안정이 투자자에게 미치는 영향은 무시할 수 없습니다. 네타냐후 총리의 약화와 극우 세력의 영향력 확대는 이스라엘의 경제적 안보와 시장 안정성에 직접적인 영향을 미칠 수 있습니다. 특히 서안지구에서의 갈등 확대는 지역 경제에 부정적인 영향을 줄 수 있는 중요한 변수입니다.
본문 1: 네타냐후 총리의 전략적 실패와 정치적 취약점
2023년 10월 7일 이후 네타냐후 총리는 레바논, 이란, 하마스에 대한 전략적 승리를 거두지 못하며 비판을 받고 있습니다. 전 법무부 장관 하임 라몬은 이스라엘이 이 모든 전선에서 승리하지 못했다고 밝혔습니다. 이는 네타냐후 총리의 정치적 취약점을 보여주며, 연정 파트너들은 이를 이용해 영향력을 확대하고 있습니다. 전 군 참모총장 가디 아이젠코트는 네타냐후가 미국 대통령 도널드 트럼프에게 이스라엘의 정치적 결정권을 양보함으로써 전략적 약화를 초래했다고 주장했습니다. 이는 이스라엘의 독립적인 외교 정책 수립 능력에 대한 의문을 제기하며, 장기적으로는 이스라엘의 경제적 안보에 부정적인 영향을 미칠 수 있습니다.
본문 2: 극우 세력의 영향력 확대와 서안지구에서의 갈등 가능성
네타냐후 총리의 정치적 취약점은 극우 세력의 영향력 확대를 부추기고 있습니다. 2022년 12월 29일 현재 연정은 이스라엘 역사상 가장 극우적인 정부로 평가받으며, 국방부 장관 이타마르 벤-그비르와 재무부 장관 베자렐 스모트리치는 네타냐후의 약점을 이용해 정착지 확장을 추진하고 있습니다. 이는 서안지구에서의 갈등을 심화시킬 수 있으며, 지역 경제에 부정적인 영향을 미칠 수 있습니다. 특히, 이스라엘과 팔레스타인 간의 갈등이 심화될 경우, 투자의사 결정에 중요한 변수가 될 수 있습니다. 투자자들은 이스라엘의 정치적 불안정성과 극우 세력의 영향력 확대를 고려하여 포트폴리오를 조정해야 할 필요가 있습니다.
본문 3: 지역 경제에 미치는 영향과 장기적 전망
서안지구에서의 갈등 확대는 이스라엘과 팔레스타인 간의 경제 협력에 부정적인 영향을 미칠 수 있습니다. 이는 지역 경제의 성장 가능성을 제한하며, 장기적으로는 이스라엘의 경제적 안보에 부정적인 영향을 미칠 수 있습니다. 투자자들은 이스라엘의 정치적 불안정성과 극우 세력의 영향력 확대를 고려하여 포트폴리오를 조정해야 할 필요가 있습니다. 특히, 서안지구에서의 갈등이 심화될 경우, 투자의사 결정에 중요한 변수가 될 수 있습니다.
결론
네타냐후 총리의 정치적 취약점과 극우 세력의 영향력 확대는 이스라엘의 경제적 안보와 시장 안정성에 직접적인 영향을 미칠 수 있습니다. 특히 서안지구에서의 갈등 확대는 지역 경제에 부정적인 영향을 줄 수 있는 중요한 변수입니다. 투자자들은 이스라엘의 정치적 불안정성과 극우 세력의 영향력 확대를 고려하여 포트폴리오를 조정해야 할 필요가 있습니다. 향후 이스라엘의 정치적 상황과 서안지구에서의 갈등 동향을 주시하는 것이 중요합니다.
Original Article
When the Iran war is over: Why the West Bank may be Netanyahu’s next front - People's World
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is facing perhaps the most precarious moment of his political career. He knows it. His allies know it. And his rivals—both within his coalition and across Israel’s political spectrum—are preparing to capitalize on his growing weakness. Former Israeli Justice Minister Haim Ramon, who also served as deputy prime minister between 2007 and 2009, is among the latest Israeli political figures to join a growing chorus of criticism directed at Netanyahu. “In the final result,” Ramon said in an interview with Radio Galey, cited by the Israeli outlet Srugim, “we did not win.” He then broke down that failure in blunt terms: “We did not win in Lebanon, we did not win in Iran, and we did not win against Hamas.” Another prominent critic is former Israeli army chief Gadi Eisenkot, who joined Netanyahu’s emergency war government following the events of October 7, 2023, before resigning with Benny Gantz in June 2024. Beyond accusing Netanyahu of failing to protect Israel on October 7, Eisenkot argues that the prime minister has effectively surrendered Israel’s political decision-making to U.S. President Donald Trump, thereby strategically weakening Israel. Ironically, Netanyahu’s coalition partners have often been even more opportunistic than the opposition. Since the formation of the current coalition government on December 29, 2022—widely regarded as the most right-wing government in Israel’s history—figures such as National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich have repeatedly used Netanyahu’s political vulnerability to expand their own influence. Whenever Netanyahu needed political support to remain in power, they demanded concessions in return. For Israel’s far-right extremists, Netanyahu’s inability to secure decisive strategic victories has often translated into opportunities to advance their own agendas. Every setback on the battlefield became an opening for greater settlement expansion , harsher measures against Palestinians, and deeper entrenchment of extremist policies. Unable to deliver “victory,” Netanyahu turned perpetual war into a political strategy in its own right. The result has been a genocidal war in Gaza, widespread devastation in Lebanon, and a dangerous confrontation with Iran that has repeatedly brought the region to the brink of a wider catastrophe. For a time, this formula proved politically sustainable. Netanyahu successfully enlisted unwavering U.S. support to keep the fires of war burning. At the same time, the failure of Europe and much of the international community to hold a wanted war criminal accountable provided him with the political space necessary to continue his bloody calculations. Yet that formula may be nearing its limits. While this possibility may appear encouraging, it comes with a serious warning. If Netanyahu can no longer sustain the wars that have prolonged his political life for nearly three years, he may escalate where resistance is weakest: the occupied West Bank. Regarding Iran, there is growing recognition that the current confrontation is unsustainable indefinitely and that some form of arrangement will eventually emerge. Likewise, regardless of whether Lebanon is formally included in any future agreement, Israel’s ambition of permanently occupying parts of Lebanese territory remains untenable. Historically, when Israel fails to secure a strategic breakthrough on one front, it seeks compensation on another—typically where Palestinians are most vulnerable and where international scrutiny is weakest. As Israeli elections approach, it is therefore reasonable to fear a further escalation of the genocide in Gaza, pushing both the death toll and the level of destruction to new heights. According to Gaza health authorities, nearly 1,000 Palestinians have been killed since the ceasefire agreement was announced in October, bringing the overall death toll of Israel’s genocide in Gaza to 73,000 Palestinians. Though Israel’s war has already failed to break Palestinian steadfastness, the broader objective remains unchanged: the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from Gaza and the transformation of the Strip into a space that can no longer sustain Palestinian life. The West Bank, however, presents a different challenge. There, Israel faces a fragmented political landscape and a Palestinian Authority that refuses to develop an effective strategy for confronting accelerating Israeli violence, ethnic cleansing, home demolitions, land confiscation, and the relentless expansion of illegal settlements. This vulnerability has enabled Israel to move from discussing annexation to implementing it in practice. The strategy rests on two interconnected pillars: extreme violence and displacement on the one hand, and rapid settlement expansion on the other. According to an Oxfam International study published on June 12, Israel has killed 1,244 Palestinians, including 268 children, in the occupied West Bank since 2023—more than the total number killed during the previous seventeen years combined. This bloodshed has been accompanied by large-scale displacement that has already uprooted nearly 46,000 Palestinians, many of them from refugee camps and vulnerable communities across the northern West Bank. An Amnesty International report published on June 10 documented the full or partial displacement of at least 117 Palestinian Bedouin and herding communities between January 2023 and April 2026. Expectedly, the violence, displacement, settlement expansion, and land seizures are not isolated developments but components of a coherent political project. In September 2025, Smotrich openly proposed the annexation of 82 percent of the occupied West Bank. What was once presented as a political vision is now steadily being translated into facts on the ground. The era of Netanyahu may be nearing its end, but before this bloody political chapter closes, countless more Palestinians may be forced to bear the cost. Arab and Muslim countries, along with their allies in the international community, must not wait for Israel to launch a much larger assault on the West Bank before responding. The matter demands urgent attention and immediate action. As with all op-eds published by People’s World, the views expressed here are those of the author. We hope you appreciated this article. At People’s World, we believe news and information should be free and accessible to all, but we need your help. Our journalism is free of corporate influence and paywalls because we are totally reader-supported. Only you, our readers and supporters, make this possible. If you enjoy reading People’s World and the stories we bring you, please support our work by donating or becoming a monthly sustainer today . Thank you!
Former Israeli Justice Minister Haim Ramon, who also served as deputy prime minister between 2007 and 2009, is among the latest Israeli political figures to join a growing chorus of criticism directed at Netanyahu.
“In the final result,” Ramon said in an interview with Radio Galey, cited by the Israeli outlet Srugim, “we did not win.” He then broke down that failure in blunt terms: “We did not win in Lebanon, we did not win in Iran, and we did not win against Hamas.”
Another prominent critic is former Israeli army chief Gadi Eisenkot, who joined Netanyahu’s emergency war government following the events of October 7, 2023, before resigning with Benny Gantz in June 2024.
Beyond accusing Netanyahu of failing to protect Israel on October 7, Eisenkot argues that the prime minister has effectively surrendered Israel’s political decision-making to U.S. President Donald Trump, thereby strategically weakening Israel.
Ironically, Netanyahu’s coalition partners have often been even more opportunistic than the opposition.
Since the formation of the current coalition government on December 29, 2022—widely regarded as the most right-wing government in Israel’s history—figures such as National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich have repeatedly used Netanyahu’s political vulnerability to expand their own influence. Whenever Netanyahu needed political support to remain in power, they demanded concessions in return.
For Israel’s far-right extremists, Netanyahu’s inability to secure decisive strategic victories has often translated into opportunities to advance their own agendas. Every setback on the battlefield became an opening for greater settlement expansion , harsher measures against Palestinians, and deeper entrenchment of extremist policies.
Unable to deliver “victory,” Netanyahu turned perpetual war into a political strategy in its own right. The result has been a genocidal war in Gaza, widespread devastation in Lebanon, and a dangerous confrontation with Iran that has repeatedly brought the region to the brink of a wider catastrophe.
For a time, this formula proved politically sustainable. Netanyahu successfully enlisted unwavering U.S. support to keep the fires of war burning. At the same time, the failure of Europe and much of the international community to hold a wanted war criminal accountable provided him with the political space necessary to continue his bloody calculations.
Yet that formula may be nearing its limits. While this possibility may appear encouraging, it comes with a serious warning. If Netanyahu can no longer sustain the wars that have prolonged his political life for nearly three years, he may escalate where resistance is weakest: the occupied West Bank.
Regarding Iran, there is growing recognition that the current confrontation is unsustainable indefinitely and that some form of arrangement will eventually emerge. Likewise, regardless of whether Lebanon is formally included in any future agreement, Israel’s ambition of permanently occupying parts of Lebanese territory remains untenable.
Historically, when Israel fails to secure a strategic breakthrough on one front, it seeks compensation on another—typically where Palestinians are most vulnerable and where international scrutiny is weakest.
As Israeli elections approach, it is therefore reasonable to fear a further escalation of the genocide in Gaza, pushing both the death toll and the level of destruction to new heights. According to Gaza health authorities, nearly 1,000 Palestinians have been killed since the ceasefire agreement was announced in October, bringing the overall death toll of Israel’s genocide in Gaza to 73,000 Palestinians.
Though Israel’s war has already failed to break Palestinian steadfastness, the broader objective remains unchanged: the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from Gaza and the transformation of the Strip into a space that can no longer sustain Palestinian life.
The West Bank, however, presents a different challenge.
There, Israel faces a fragmented political landscape and a Palestinian Authority that refuses to develop an effective strategy for confronting accelerating Israeli violence, ethnic cleansing, home demolitions, land confiscation, and the relentless expansion of illegal settlements.
This vulnerability has enabled Israel to move from discussing annexation to implementing it in practice. The strategy rests on two interconnected pillars: extreme violence and displacement on the one hand, and rapid settlement expansion on the other.
According to an Oxfam International study published on June 12, Israel has killed 1,244 Palestinians, including 268 children, in the occupied West Bank since 2023—more than the total number killed during the previous seventeen years combined.
This bloodshed has been accompanied by large-scale displacement that has already uprooted nearly 46,000 Palestinians, many of them from refugee camps and vulnerable communities across the northern West Bank.
An Amnesty International report published on June 10 documented the full or partial displacement of at least 117 Palestinian Bedouin and herding communities between January 2023 and April 2026.
Expectedly, the violence, displacement, settlement expansion, and land seizures are not isolated developments but components of a coherent political project. In September 2025, Smotrich openly proposed the annexation of 82 percent of the occupied West Bank. What was once presented as a political vision is now steadily being translated into facts on the ground.
The era of Netanyahu may be nearing its end, but before this bloody political chapter closes, countless more Palestinians may be forced to bear the cost.
Arab and Muslim countries, along with their allies in the international community, must not wait for Israel to launch a much larger assault on the West Bank before responding.
The matter demands urgent attention and immediate action.