핵심요약

• 미국 및 이스라엘의 공격으로 이란에서 650명 이상이 사망하거나 부상당함
• 테헤란의 피루지 지역은 전쟁으로 인해 심각하게 피해를 입음
• 전쟁은 민간인, 특히 신생아를 포함한 취약 계층에게 직접적인 위협을 가함
• 지정학적 갈등은 지역 사회의 안전과 경제적 안정성을 위협함

도입

본 기사는 이란 전쟁이라는 지정학적 갈등이 민간인, 특히 가장 취약한 신생아에게 미치는 직접적인 인도주의적 영향을 조명합니다. 이는 단순히 전쟁의 참상을 넘어, 국제 분쟁이 지역 사회의 안전과 장기적인 경제 안정성에 어떤 파급 효과를 미치는지 투자자 및 정책 결정자에게 시사하는 중요한 관점입니다.

본문 1: 지정학적 위험과 인도주의적 비용

미국과 이스라엘의 군사 작전으로 인해 이란 내에서 650명 이상이 사망하거나 부상당했다는 사실은 현재의 지정학적 긴장이 얼마나 큰 인명 피해를 수반하는지를 명확히 보여줍니다. 이는 분쟁 지역의 불안정성이 단순한 군사적 충돌을 넘어 민간 인프라와 생명에 직접적인 위협을 가한다는 점을 의미합니다. 특히 신생아와 같은 취약한 집단이 이러한 폭력에 노출된다는 점은, 분쟁이 장기화될 경우 인도주의적 위기가 어떻게 증폭될 수 있는지에 대한 심각한 우려를 제기합니다. 이러한 인명 피해는 지역 사회의 사회적 자본을 훼손하고 장기적인 재건을 어렵게 만드는 근본적인 위험 요소로 작용합니다.

본문 2: 사회 기반 시설의 취약성과 경제적 파급 효과

전쟁은 단순히 인명 손실에 그치지 않고, 피루지 지역과 같은 주거 및 상업 지역의 사회 기반 시설에 광범위한 파괴를 초래했습니다. 이 지역은 약 60만 명의 주민이 거주하는 밀집 지역으로, 병원, 쇼핑몰, 교통 허브 등 필수 시설이 파괴되면서 지역 경제의 기능이 마비되었습니다. 이러한 인프라 파괴는 물류 흐름을 방해하고 경제 활동을 위축시켜 장기적인 경제적 손실을 발생시킵니다. 따라서 지정학적 갈등 상황에서 민간 인프라의 붕괴는 경제적 불확실성을 극대화하며, 이는 해당 지역의 장기적인 투자 매력도를 하락시키는 주요 요인이 됩니다. 투자자들은 분쟁 지역의 물리적 피해가 잠재적인 경제적 비용으로 전환될 수 있음을 인식해야 합니다.

본문 3: 장기적 관점의 위험 평가

이러한 사건들은 단기적인 군사적 충돌을 넘어, 국제 분쟁이 지역 사회의 안정성과 미래 세대의 삶에 미치는 장기적인 영향을 분석해야 함을 시사합니다. 전쟁으로 인한 인프라의 파괴와 인도주의적 위기는 재건 비용을 증가시키고, 사회적 불평등을 심화시키며, 향후 지역의 경제적 회복력을 약화시킵니다. 따라서 지정학적 위험을 평가할 때는 군사적 수치뿐만 아니라, 민간 경제 활동과 사회적 안정성이 어떻게 연관되어 있는지를 종합적으로 고려해야 합니다. 이러한 복합적인 위험 요소는 장기적인 투자 전략 수립 시 반드시 반영되어야 할 핵심 요소입니다.

결론

이란 전쟁과 같은 지정학적 사건은 군사적 충돌의 직접적인 피해를 넘어, 민간 사회와 경제 시스템에 광범위한 파괴를 야기한다는 점을 보여줍니다. 이러한 위험은 인명 피해와 인프라 붕괴라는 형태로 나타나며, 이는 국제 분쟁이 지역의 장기적인 경제적 안정성에 미치는 영향을 이해하는 데 필수적입니다. 향후 이러한 지정학적 위험이 어떻게 경제적 변동성으로 이어질지 면밀히 관찰할 필요가 있습니다.

---

원문 링크: https://news.google.com/rss/articles/CBMigwFBVV95cUxNZ1hrZ09BOGtvX3cxM2NvaTJEUGxjdnhjbEs3Z3kzSXdmcE1UcXRfcVg3MWxRcFJOdF95SnptMGR4UDhodmpJLWtRZkliLU11YnJ1UkRNWXR5MHRmOVpMR1FnaWd6QVRVZlluQi1WMFp5ZFVrNHhqa2VxbkR5ZHdOci0tNA?oc=5

The Short Life of a Newborn During the Iran War - The Intercept

Mohammad Ali Kialha’s first hours were all he knew of peace. He was born on February 26 in Iran’s capital, Tehran. Two days later, President Donald Trump began his war on that country. “Bombs will be dropping everywhere,” Trump wrote on social media on February 28.

That day, the U.S. attacked the Shajarah Tayyebeh elementary school in Minab, killing more than 150 people, most of them children. In the weeks that followed, tens of thousands more would be killed or wounded in U.S.–Israeli strikes, according to World Health Organization estimates. Since a June ceasefire collapsed and the U.S. resumed attacks, Iran’s Health Ministry says U.S. strikes have killed or wounded more than 650 people.

Mohammad’s parents — Fatemeh Rostami, known to her family as Hannaneh, and Ali, her husband — brought him home to their apartment in eastern Tehran’s Pirouzi neighborhood. Despite the danger, Hannaneh’s mother, Tahereh Sarbaz, traveled almost 100 miles from the city of Qazvin to meet her newborn grandson, as Trump lobbed threats and missiles at Tehran. “Today Iran will be hit very hard! Under serious consideration for complete destruction and certain death, because of Iran’s bad behavior, are areas and groups of people that were not considered for targeting up until this moment in time,” he wrote on Truth Social on March 7. Sarbaz witnessed the destruction that week and felt a blast wave firsthand while driving through the capital. “I was in Tehran. I saw what happened there,” she recalled. “People were being bombed every night. Families everywhere were losing their children.”

Pirouzi, a crowded working- to middle-class residential area, with a major shopping mall, hospital, sports complex, and several transit hubs, is home to around 600,000 people. When the war erupted, it was hit hard. As U.S. and Israeli munitions laid waste to buildings there, people flooded into the streets — Hannaneh’s family among them — seeking safety. Ali was still going to work each day but suggested that Hannaneh and the children decamp for the relative safety of Qazvin, which was not attacked nearly as much as the capital. “My daughter refused,” Sarbaz recalled. “She told him, ‘I will not leave you here alone.’”

Sarbaz eventually headed across town, to northern Tehran, where her son, Mehdi Rostami, lived with his wife and their three children, thinking it would be safer. After a short visit, she returned, alone, to Qazvin.

On March 17, Sarbaz checked in with Hannaneh by phone. “I called her and asked how she and the baby were doing,” Sarbaz said. “I asked whether the fighter jets were still coming. Whether she was afraid. Whether there was a lot of noise. And I told her to be careful.”

The next day, Rostami’s whole family traveled across Tehran to visit Hannaneh and her children. Not long after, Sarbaz received a call from another daughter-in-law. “She sounded extremely distressed. She was trying to prepare me for something,” Sarbaz recalled. “Finally, I asked her, ‘What happened? Why are you so worried?’” The daughter-in-law said: “Mother, the thing you were afraid of has happened.”

Sarbaz was initially so stunned that she couldn’t process the news. It wasn’t until other family members broke down in tears that she could comprehend the enormity of her loss. An airstrike hit Hannaneh’s apartment building while her brother’s family was visiting. The attack killed Rostami; his wife, Manzar al-Sadat Zarrabadi; and their three children: Ali, 13; Fatemeh, 9; and Zeynab, 7. Also slain were Hannaneh and her two children: Mohammad Hassan Kialha, 7, and Mohammad Ali Kialha, who was just 20 days old. Ali, Hannaneh’s husband, survived; he was out at the time of the attack.

“They told me that my family in Tehran had been killed,” Sarbaz said. “Inside, I was heartbroken.”

Most Read ICE Shot a Journalist and Threw Him in Detention. He’s Approaching 300 Days Behind Bars With a Festering Wound. Adam Rose Secret ICE Agent Tried to “Entice” Minneapolis Activists Into Confrontational Tactics Matt Sledge Cornell to Pro-Palestine Students Targeted by ICE: Come Back to the U.S. or Lose Funding Jonah Valdez

Dr. Nader Azadeh, a high-ranking official with the Tehran Fire Department, was coordinating emergency response and rescue operations in the capital following airstrikes and deployed to the Pirouzi neighborhood just after the attack on the family’s apartment building. Amid all the carnage he witnessed over weeks of war in Tehran, the toll on the Rostami family — eight dead — had a lasting impact on him. He said he could not forget the scale of their loss.

A rescue worker who participated in the response said that the entire building was demolished by the strike. He estimated that 30 people, in total, died. It took hours to unearth what was left of the family and other victims from the rubble. Most of the dead had been exhumed when neighbors explained that an infant was still somewhere under the debris, prompting the search to begin anew. Hours later, they finally located the tiny body, he recalled.

No one knows how many survivors in Iran are grieving over loved ones killed in Trump’s war. Global attention has focused on Shajarah Tayyebeh elementary school — almost to the exclusion of the other schools, homes, hospitals, apartment buildings, and other civilian sites damaged or destroyed in other U.S.–Israeli strikes. The U.S. military has used this tunnel vision to its advantage, advancing the farcical claim that the elementary school strike is the only incident of civilian harm during the entire conflict. “There is one active civilian casualty investigation from the 13,629 munitions,” Adm. Brad Cooper, the chief of U.S. Central Command, told members of the Senate Armed Services Committee in May.

CENTCOM has continued these claims in response to queries from The Intercept. “We have no new updates at this time pertaining to current investigations or munitions that were expended during Operation Epic Fury,” a spokesperson said.

Asked if CENTCOM was aware of any allegations of civilian harm in Iran on or about March 18, the command dodged the question. “The U.S. military takes all reports of civilian harm seriously,” a defense official told The Intercept. “All allegations of civilian harm reported to CENTCOM have been reviewed.”

While CENTCOM was tight-lipped, Sarbaz refused to stay silent. “I want people around the world to know that civilians died in this conflict. I want people around the world to know that the president of the United States, a man mired in corruption and scandal, came and took my children from me,” she told The Intercept. “What crime had my 20-day-old grandchild committed?”

It’s unclear if Hannaneh and Ali’s apartment building was the intended object of a U.S. or Israeli strike, a targeting error, or so-called collateral damage. The family says it knows of no regime officials who resided in the building or military uses of the site.

The Israel Defense Forces announced it killed “Mehdi Rostami Shamastam, one of the key commanders in Iran’s Ministry of Intelligence” in Tehran on the same day that Mehdi Rostami and his family lost their lives in Hannaneh’s apartment. Sarbaz said her son was an academic, not an intelligence official. “I deny this,” she said of the assertion. “My son was a university professor. But if what Israel claims were true, I would be very glad.”

Sarbaz said that if her son was, in fact, a top intelligence chief, killing him alongside his family, including a baby, would make it an even graver atrocity. “The presence of a 20-day-old infant among the victims, and the killing of eight members of one family, is such an enormous crime,” she said. “Why didn’t they target him in the street?”

Following the attack, the Iranian regime did not treat Mehdi Rostami as it often does senior commanders or influential figures killed in enemy strikes, making no public acknowledgment of his service to the state. Mehdi and Rostami are also common names. The Israeli military did not respond to multiple requests for clarification if the Mehdi Rostami Shamastam it referenced and Mehdi Rostami were the same person. CENTCOM did not respond to multiple requests for comment on whether it or Israeli forces had conducted airstrikes in Tehran’s Pirouzi neighborhood on March 18.

The strike that killed the Rostami family was part of an unrelenting blitz. The U.S. and Israel struck more than 17,000 separate targets in 40 days — a rate of strikes near unprecedented in modern conflict, according to the civilian harm monitoring group Airwars . In the first 24 hours of the war alone, the U.S. said it had struck more than 1,000 targets, and Israel 500 . A May 18 report by Human Rights Activists in Iran counted 12,798 “unique attacks” by the U.S. or Israel, 77 percent of them involving civilian harm or damage to civilian infrastructure.

The U.S. bears some responsibility for all attacks as the chief of the coalition attacking Iran. “Only the United States of America could lead this,” self-styled War Secretary Pete Hegseth said on March 4. “But when you add the Israeli Defense Forces, a devastatingly capable force, the combination is sheer destruction for our radical Islamist Iranian adversaries. … Fighting shoulder to shoulder with such a capable ally is a true force multiplier and a breath of fresh air.”

After initially striking Iranian military assets in the opening rounds of the war, the U.S. shifted to targeting civilian infrastructure, Sina Toossi, a senior nonresident fellow at the Center for International Policy specializing in U.S.–Iran relations, told The Intercept. Targets included oil facilities; steel and pharmaceutical plants; universities; and even the headquarters of Iran’s space program. He noted that bridges were targeted, killing civilians as well as first responders.

This summer, as a second ceasefire imploded and Iran stepped up attacks on U.S. bases causing large numbers of casualties , Trump has increasingly unleashed unhinged rants , including threats to attack civilian infrastructure such as bridges and power plants, that would “ affect 91 million people .”

In July, Sen. Jeff Merkley, D-Ore., cajoled chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. Dan Caine into what seemed like a half-hearted pledge to “not target, even in retaliatory sense, infrastructure that is generally considered to be primarily for civilian survival.” The very next day, Trump announced that “any time the Islamic Republic of Iran shoots at a ship in the Strait of Hormuz … the United States will bomb and destroy ONE BRIDGE OR POWER PLANT, including those located next to, or in, the Capital City of Tehran.”

Harrison Mann, a former U.S. Army officer and intelligence official and now the associate director for campaigns and policy at Win Without War, drew specific attention to the attacks on the bridges and water reservoirs. It is “quite dangerous to be conditioning the U.S. military to carry out orders that are clearly war crimes,” he warned.

The World Health Organization puts the Iranian casualty toll at an estimated 37,181 , including 3,375 deaths. Iranian state and semi-official media reported similar figures, just under 3,500 killed. Mansoureh Mills, a regional researcher with Amnesty International, noted that earlier government figures put the civilian toll at roughly 45 percent of the total, including 383 children.

The total number of U.S.–Israeli strikes on apartment buildings is unknown, but certainly significant . Reports of civilian harm were recorded every day from the beginning of the war on February 28 to the first ceasefire on April 8, according to Airwars. This includes six strikes on March 18, the day that the Rostami family was killed. Airwars found that civilians were frequently slain in attacks on residential areas, with such strikes accounting for 147 out of the 297 — almost 50 percent — of the civilian harm incidents it tracked. Eighty-seven of these took place in Tehran province. A Washington Post investigation, relying on data from the Institute for the Study of War, counted 285 attacks across Tehran with strikes “blanket[ing] almost a third of all neighborhoods, some with upward of 11 strikes.”

Azadeh, the fire department official, recalled chaotic and emotionally overwhelming nights of bombardment that killed untold numbers of civilians. In one attack on an apartment building in central Tehran, on the first day of the war, he recalled the death of a mother, her daughter, and the child’s grandmother. In another strike on a 10-unit apartment building in the Pirouzi neighborhood, he recounted the slaying of most of its residents, including seven children and teenagers. “When our rescue teams arrived, the force of the explosion had thrown many of the bodies into the street,” Azadeh said.

Azadeh drew specific attention to the death of Saeed Shamghadri , an academic killed with his son and daughter in an attack on their home in northern Tehran in March. “To kill one person, they bombed a 14-story residential building and killed somewhere between 50 and 200 people living there,” Azadeh said. “To eliminate one person, many civilians were attacked.”

Source: https://news.google.com/rss/articles/CBMigwFBVV95cUxNZ1hrZ09BOGtvX3cxM2NvaTJEUGxjdnhjbEs3Z3kzSXdmcE1UcXRfcVg3MWxRcFJOdF95SnptMGR4UDhodmpJLWtRZkliLU11YnJ1UkRNWXR5MHRmOVpMR1FnaWd6QVRVZlluQi1WMFp5ZFVrNHhqa2VxbkR5ZHdOci0tNA?oc=5