핵심요약

• 미군 병사들의 낙서에는 “Operation Epstein Fury”, “Peace deal #64 incoming … ALL THIS FOR THE HOLY LAND”, “Bibi’s cucks” 등의 표현이 포함되어 있습니다.
• 미 해군 항공모함 USS 에이브러햄 링컨 내에서 식량 부족과 위생 문제로 인해 일부 승조원이 탈출을 시도했습니다.
• 미군이 이란과의 전쟁을 수행하는 상황에서 병사들의 불만이 공개적으로 표출되고 있으며, 이는 전쟁에 대한 인식 변화를 시사합니다.
• 트럼프 행정부가 이란 전쟁을 통해 다른 문제들로부터 주의를 돌리려 했다는 분석이 제시됩니다.

도입

본 기사는 이란과의 지속적인 전쟁 상황 속에서 미군 병사들의 심리적 상태와 군사 작전 환경의 실제적인 어려움을 다루고 있습니다. 이는 단순히 군사적 충돌을 넘어, 지정학적 갈등이 현장 인력의 사기와 복지에 미치는 영향을 보여줍니다. 투자자들은 이러한 현장 상황을 통해 글로벌 지정학적 리스크가 실제 운영 비용과 인적 자원에 어떤 영향을 미치는지 이해해야 합니다.

본문 1: 현장 사기와 메시지의 의미

미군 병사들이 항공기 날개에 남긴 낙서에는 “Operation Epstein Fury”, “Peace deal #64 incoming … ALL THIS FOR THE HOLY LAND”, “Bibi’s cucks”와 같은 표현이 포함되어 있습니다. 이는 기존의 군사적 갈등에 대한 병사들의 새로운 정서가 표출되고 있음을 의미합니다. 이는 과거 분쟁에서의 군인들의 정서와 비교하기 어려운 새로운 감정의 표현 방식이라는 보고서의 지적처럼, 현재의 전쟁 상황이 이전과는 다른 심리적 압박을 주고 있음을 시사합니다. 이는 전쟁의 목표와 과정에 대한 내부적인 불만과 좌절감이 표면화되고 있음을 보여줍니다. 즉, 전쟁 수행의 동기나 결과에 대한 회의감이 내부적으로 형성되고 있다는 점이 핵심입니다.

본문 2: 작전 환경의 악화와 리더십의 역설

한편, 미 해군 항공모함 USS 에이브러햄 링컨 내의 환경 조건은 심각하게 악화되었습니다. 식량 부족과 위생 문제로 인해 일부 승조원들이 탈출을 시도할 정도로 근무 환경이 열악해졌습니다. 이는 전쟁 수행이라는 임무와 별개로, 실제 작전 환경과 인프라 관리의 실패가 병사들의 기본적인 복지에 직접적인 영향을 미치고 있음을 보여줍니다. 이는 리더십이 제시하는 목표와 실제 현장에서 제공되는 지원 및 환경 간의 괴리가 심화될 때, 군사적 목표 달성뿐만 아니라 인적 자원의 유지 및 사기 관리 측면에서 심각한 역설이 발생함을 의미합니다. 즉, 외부의 지정학적 압력과 내부의 운영 실패가 복합적으로 작용하여 군사 작전의 지속 가능성에 위협을 가하고 있습니다.

본문 3: 지정학적 리스크의 장기적 영향

이러한 현장 상황은 이란과의 전쟁이 단순한 군사적 충돌을 넘어, 장기적인 외교적, 사회적 비용을 수반함을 시사합니다. 전쟁 비용이 증가하고 내부 인프라 관리가 어려워지는 상황은 국제 사회의 자원 배분과 외교적 협상에 부정적인 영향을 미칠 수 있습니다. 장기적으로 볼 때, 이러한 현장 불만과 환경 악화는 국제 안보 환경의 불안정성을 증폭시키며, 이는 글로벌 에너지 시장의 변동성이나 방위 산업 관련 투자 심리에 간접적인 영향을 미칠 가능성이 있습니다. 따라서 현재의 지정학적 긴장 상태를 장기적인 관점에서 분석하여, 군사적 목표 달성과 인적 자원 관리가 어떻게 연계되어야 하는지에 대한 전략적 접근이 필요합니다.

결론

결론적으로, 미군 병사들의 공개적인 불만 표출과 함정 내 환경 악화는 지정학적 갈등이 현장 인력의 심리적 안정과 운영 효율성에 직접적인 영향을 미친다는 점을 명확히 보여줍니다. 향후 이 전쟁의 결과와 운영 환경 개선 노력이 병사들의 사기 회복과 함께 국제적 안정에 기여할 수 있을지에 대한 지속적인 관찰이 필요합니다. 투자자들은 이러한 현장 리스크와 내부 운영 효율성 지표를 종합적으로 고려하여 지정학적 이벤트가 자본 시장에 미치는 파급 효과를 예측해야 할 것입니다.

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원문 링크: https://news.google.com/rss/articles/CBMicEFVX3lxTE5UdEJtc21Qa3lwZ09zeDlzdnlOX0RhMWswR19TbjRscExoWkVlMDRZbC1BOE42dzJZMXhkbjRhVTNvY0NqVHNGX3VydHltdGR1cWdaTDlvaWdYNFJwOUtMcWU3UzN6clZuSnhqZFhreUI?oc=5

Trump Hates the Troops. The Troops Are Taking Notice. - The New Republic

If you want to get the unfiltered skinny on how the never-ending war with Iran is going, it’s written in the dust. Responsible Statecraft’s Trita Parsi reported this week that U.S. service members marooned in the Persian Gulf have been expressing themselves in messages fingered onto a dusty aircraft flap. The anonymous graffiti, which calls to mind the helmet scrawls of disgruntled soldiers in Vietnam, include “Operation Epstein Fury,” “Peace deal #64 incoming … ALL THIS FOR THE HOLY LAND,” and “Bibi’s cucks.” Sounds like things aren’t going so well! “I have no frame of reference, I can’t compare it to the sentiments of U.S. soldiers in previous conflicts,” Parsi wrote. “But I suspect these are new sentiments, or at least a new willingness to express them this openly and directly.”

Whether these sentiments are new is indeed unclear, but it’s not without a frame of reference. Trump has always been fairly explicit in his disrespect for the grunts who do most of the work—and all of the dying—in this racket that we call “war.” But only now is a seemingly unwinnable war bringing this all to a head. It’s no longer possible to pretend that the president doesn’t have boundless contempt for U.S. service members. They’re trapped in a war that was essentially kicked off to distract from all the other terrible news the Trump administration generates—or at least to turn attention away from the Epstein files. (Though if these dust etchings are any guide, Trump failed in this attempt to wag the dog.)

In recent weeks, this dynamic has been playing out on board the USS Abraham Lincoln, an aircraft carrier that has been on a nine-month deployment to support Trump’s war with Iran. Conditions on board the carrier have deteriorated to the point where some seamen have jumped overboard in an attempt to escape the misery. The crew has, for several weeks, been dealing with food shortages and grotesque sanitation issues. As TNR’s Hafiz Rashid reported , “In recent town hall meetings with military leaders, including acting Navy Secretary Hung Cao, things have gotten heated, with family members expressing fear and worry over mental health and the risk of self-harm for the ship’s personnel.”

As it happens, this trouble is not confined to the USS Lincoln : Crews on the USS Benfold, Carl Vinson , and Tripoli have also reported miserable conditions in recent weeks. Pete Hegseth, our self-styled “secretary of war,” has gone to great lengths to downplay and even deny these accounts, characterizing them as misrepresentations while covering up the reason the Lincoln, which is now finally coming home , wasn’t resupplied. The dust scribbles surfaced by Parsi tell a different story.

If anything, the story is an old one. There has always been good reason to question Trump’s respect for U.S. service members. As The Atlantic ’s Jeffrey Goldberg reported in September of 2020, Trump canceled a visit to the Aisne-Marne American Cemetery in Paris, questioning his senior aides as to why he should go to a cemetery full of “losers.” Per Goldberg, “In a separate conversation on the same trip, Trump referred to the more than 1,800 Marines who lost their lives at Belleau Wood as ‘suckers’ for getting killed.” All of this came about because he didn’t want to get his hair mussed in the rainy conditions. (Trump’s former chief of staff, John Kelly, would later confirm Goldberg’s reporting.)

Trump’s disparagement of the military is pretty consistent . He’s slagged off the armed forces’ top officers as “ dopes and babies ” and compared them unfavorably to the military leaders he, for whatever reason, holds in high esteem: Adolf Hitler’s generals. He’s complained about having to see disabled veterans at military events, and has advocated for the exclusion of wounded soldiers at official functions because, “Nobody wants to see that.” These kinds of insults were a staple of his first run for office, during which time he mocked Gold Star families and, famously, Vietnam POW survivor John McCain.

But Trump’s disregard is hardly limited to mere aesthetics. As The Huffington Post’s David Wood reported in 2017 , Trump’s gigantic military buildup shoveled billions of dollars to the Pentagon, but not much of that kitty ended up benefiting the working grunts who risk their lives on our nation’s behalf.

Only the outlines of Trump’s proposal to lavish money on the military have been drawn up. There’s a request for Congress to add $30 billion to this year’s defense budget and a vague plan to add $54 billion to next year’s spending. Not included in those plans: money for the best infantry weapons, the safest troop-lift helicopters, the most protective lightweight body armor. Instead, grunts will have to settle for budget leftovers with antiquated rifles, helicopters built for their grandfathers during the Vietnam War, and communications gear that is overweight and unreliable.

The least surprising observation you can make about Trump is that he is an asshole and a cheapskate. Still, the president’s Iranian misadventure has fully exposed both his ineptitude as commander in chief and the consequences of this lack of care for military members and their families. As conditions on U.S. ships erode, the administration is finding itself in a media war with the concerned families of troops deployed to the region. Stockpiles of vital munitions are being burned through at an alarming rate . And for some reason, Trump has picked this moment to order a bizarre retrofitting of U.S. aircraft carriers, demanding that they be kitted out with obsolete steam catapults . (TNR contributor Brynn Tannehill has the lore drop you need if you’ve been confused by this story.)

Public opinion about the war in Iran has been consistently awful for Trump, whose overall approval hit a low of 33 percent this week . As Parsi reports , those who are stuck on the front lines of this folly are not likely to disabuse their fellow Americans of this being anything but FUBAR. As one service member told him: “What people in the media don’t understand when they compare past conflicts to this one, is this operation has no morale behind it. That makes a world of difference to service members deployed to undesirable locations indefinitely.” Parsi thinks that the only thing left to do now is to “simply end” the war. But Trump is knee-deep in this big muddy, and there truly is no end in sight.

While the media has been agog and aghast at the occasional successes of 2026 candidates aligned with the Democratic Socialists of America, I haven’t been feeling the hype. A canny read of the electorate reveals that establishment Democrats, like Xavier Becerra and Amy Klobuchar, are doing just fine. Many primary winners are getting lumped in with the DSA despite not being members, or even socialists, like Brad Lander and Abdul El-Sayed. And as Lander would attest, the electorate isn’t looking for leftist bona fides from their candidates; they simply want fighters, not fakers .

But no one is more choleric over the occasional success of progressive politicians than the dismal corporate dullards at Third Way. After the aforementioned El-Sayed won his Senate primary in Michigan , the centrist organization announced that it was going to “war” with a $15 million campaign against democratic socialist candidates between now and 2028. Both the sense of aggrievement and the paltry amount of money being dispensed makes this extremely sad.

The opening salvo in this supposed “war” is also pretty sad: a wan op-ed by the organization’s top dogs, Jon Cowan and Matt Bennett, in the pages of The Washington Post. The two combine for a few hundred words of grievance, in which they argue that the Democratic Party’s recent woes can be attributed to its extreme politics, which is a very strange thing to say about a party whose recent standard-bearers were Joe Biden and Kamala Harris. Cowan and Bennett, in fact, fault Harris for not doing enough to pivot from the leftier positions she espoused on the 2020 stump. This makes me wonder if they were in a coma during the 2024 election, because I distinctly remember Harris both veering wildly toward the center, abandoning previous positions with something approaching a frenzy, and even campaigning with Liz Cheney.

The op-ed is, nevertheless, revealing. Third Way’s politics seem frozen in amber. There’s scant evidence that Cowan and Bennett have spent any time ruminating on the political shifts we’ve undergone since the 2024 election. There’s no mention of the hot-button issues that are fueling the fires of the Democratic electorate, such as the high costs of early childhood, opposition to data centers, the war in Iran, or the GOP’s corruption. The only thing they point to that could be called “recent” is a New York Times poll showing that 62 percent of the Democratic electorate identifies as either somewhat or very liberal, and that most voters want “a fighter for working people who gets things done and is authentic in his or her beliefs.”

That doesn’t describe the kind of candidate that Third Way would support. As Robert Reich wrote this week , “If you bother to look at the funding sources of Third Way ... you’ll find a Star Wars cantina of billionaire megadonors, Fortune 500 CEOs, corporate dark money bundlers, and giant corporations.” Third Way’s donor base is a “Trojan horse” packed to the gills with scoundrels: Wall Street cretins and private equity goons; “members of the GOP-aligned American Legislative Exchange Council,” best known for producing cookie-cutter right-wing legislation that is diametrically at odds with just about every Democratic Party policy priority; and supporters of the Republican Attorneys General Association, “which helps elect Republicans who fight federal environmental and other regulations .” In addition, Reich points out that two of the organization’s former honorary co-chairs are Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema. Enough said! (Sludge’s David Moore also reported this week that Third Way has received donations from health insurance interests that undoubtedly oppose Medicare for All, which was the centerpiece of El-Sayed’s campaign.)

Third Way’s limitations as a political organization stem from the fact that its leaders have an umbilical connection to Republican money and probably haven’t talked to a human outside of a cable news green room in years. In fact, the last time anyone from the organization sought to learn what life is like for normal Americans, it was chronicled by Molly Ball in The Atlantic, who trailed the researchers the organization dispatched to Wisconsin after Donald Trump’s first election to find the mythical 70 percent of the population that they believed occupied a position of non-partisan purity.

As Ball’s piece described, things didn’t go the way Third Way expected. Instead of finding a centrist majority out there in the hinterlands, it found a population that was extremely partisan—and fairly skeptical of the organization’s donors. But Third Way’s superpower, it turns out, is the ability to perform vertiginous mental hijinks when its priors are challenged. As Ball reported, the study that Third Way published after its tour of flyover country neatly omitted any of the doubts that she watched the researchers wrestle with on the road. “The report surprised me when I read it,” Ball wrote. “Despite the great variety of views the researchers and I had heard on our tour, the report had somehow reached the conclusion that Wisconsinites wanted consensus, moderation, and pragmatism—just like Third Way.”

This is the biggest irony: The successful politicians who so terrify Third Way are actually really good at listening to the concerns of voters and then organizing those voters around campaigns to address those needs. A recent New York Times report on the insurgent left reveals that these candidates aren’t really reinventing the wheel, they’ve just—well, mastered politics: “The campaigns themselves say the secret is in the basics. They have built old-fashioned ground games, harnessing the anger and energy on the left to recruit armies of volunteers, who in turn have greeted the moment’s protest movement with open arms.”

In fact, if there’s one thing that the smattering of successful DSA-aligned candidates have done in recent campaigns, it’s been the thing Third Way refuses to do: show a willingness to abandon preconceived dogma when it doesn’t survive an encounter with reality. As Nathan Newman recently wrote, the local DSA-aligned politicians who are winning elections have learned something that the national DSA is still struggling to accept: “To win local office, you not only have to activate the maximum number of DSA members possible, you need to reach out to a wide range of other progressive individuals and organizations to win election.” There’s something nifty going on here: It turns out that the successful socialists, through their mastery of retail politics, are showing that they’re capable of a little moderation.

Third Way could really stand to learn a thing or two from the politicians it disdains. But that’s not what the Republican funny money backing its every move wants. Instead, you are going to get $15 million worth of Red Scare fulmination . And that rhetoric will be used by the right to disparage every single Democratic candidate—not just the ones who want to enact Medicare for All. Third Way will be arming both the conservative media machine and the slop merchants at CNN and The New York Times with talking points, and using its phony-baloney identity as a liberal organization to color these attacks as coming from the illusory center.

Update : After this article was published, Bennett emailed TNR to say Third Way funds and partners with groups “to help Democratic legislators win and govern, offering them both policy and political insights and ideas.” He also noted that he’s spoken at Democratic Attorneys General Association meetings, and said his group has “worked closely” with Democratic attorneys general “to fight election interference from Republican AGs.”

This article first appeared in Power Mad , a weekly TNR newsletter authored by deputy editor Jason Linkins. Sign up here .

At the start of 2025, Elon Musk looked as if he was going to become a permanent fixture in American politics. Strutting across the stage, giving the Sieg heil! , the far-right mogul set up shop in the Trump administration’s DOGE dojo and started chaotically pulling the load-bearing beams out of the civil service and heisting the private data of an untold number of taxpayers. In June of this year, however, Musk expressed regret over getting so caught up in the political scene. Ahh, but the ketamine has since hit: In recent weeks, Musk has said that he’s going back to being a GOP bankroller, to the tune of $120 million . And the first beneficiary of his dirty money is slated to be endangered Maine Republican Susan Collins . She should suffer for it.

Part of me wonders if Elon’s willingness to spend his cash is any great concern. His investments seem to often make things more janky than they were before. He turned Twitter into a hellsite dominated by like-minded thugs that is essentially a GOP super PAC . He’s soiled the legacy of Tesla’s founders by creating a “ giant rusting dumpster swasticar ” that’s recently been compared to the Edsel . He just crashed a rocket into the moon . His most recent foray into political kingmaking—the $25 million he injected into the Wisconsin Supreme Court race—was a Cybertruck-level flop. And he may end up catching a criminal charge for election bribery to boot.

If Collins actually needs Musk’s money, maybe that’s a sign she’s worried that her new Democratic opponent, former state Senate President Troy Jackson, won’t be the same type of cakewalk as Graham Platner, whose Nazi tattoo put his campaign into a permanent “if you’re explaining, you’re losing” doom loop that ended last month with sexual assault charges. Still, Musk’s close-up involvement with Susan Collins should come at a high cost to the incumbent senator.

Source: https://news.google.com/rss/articles/CBMicEFVX3lxTE5UdEJtc21Qa3lwZ09zeDlzdnlOX0RhMWswR19TbjRscExoWkVlMDRZbC1BOE42dzJZMXhkbjRhVTNvY0NqVHNGX3VydHltdGR1cWdaTDlvaWdYNFJwOUtMcWU3UzN6clZuSnhqZFhreUI?oc=5